the triumph of NO has been tested in “liquid” form. One of his co stars, former Socialist Deputy Escalona in his article of October 3, 2018 at the counter, has put in a lumped neo-liberal right and the “dogmatic left” in his “attempt to falsify history” says, for different reasons. Right because you want to become part of the triumph of not claiming that they promoted a “transition agreed” voluntarily and the dogmatic left because they think that the triumph of the not only was a masquerade to prolong an authoritarian political system and abusive in a new wrapper.
Zygmunt Bauman said in his book “Liquid modernity” that in times of globalization also policy becomes “liquid” If you pour it into any container, it is likely to take its form and assimilate to the contents of the context. This is to prevent the formation of values and sound principles in policy by reducing it to a sort of science of the timely negotiation to the contingency that changes from one minute to another. From this point of view the elite of the Chilean transition was successful in “trading non-stop”.
It is striking, that Escalona having been a decisive character of the policies of the Coalition, with all self-confidence, lance “liquid” accusations against everyone who was critical of the “exploits” of the “concertation” and check them unrealistically “left dogmatic”. It is good to remember that many young people, exiled from the dictatorship took distance from the world of real socialism and by the mid-1970s, while parties of the former UP continued support to that fatal political block that violated individual freedoms of persons. Clearly we were not even from traditional left or dogmatic.
Escalona ignores the responsibilities incumbent to which its sector to the have caused, as the same checks, “the apathy and disillusionment of broad popular sectors” which, without a doubt, go for the benefit of the preservation of the power of the seditious right and socially predatory.
The key issue is to understand why people are fed up with politics. After 30 years of the triumph of NO, Escalona suddenly remembers the ‘sound’ truths as the coup, liar and criminal character of the Chilean right that silenced for decades for the benefit of the “politics of the agreements”.
Escalona blamed “mistakes” to “the complex correlation of forces” derived from the Pinochet military tie. However, that thought already much different before him, we asked from the first day of the transition from now: what should take them to join the right to defend Pinochet arrested in London arguing as Piñera that Chilean justice was the only that could give verdicts in this sense? Did not know that the Chilean justice was one of the fundamental pillars for the impunity of the terrorist act during the dictatorship?, what force forced them to impose 50 years of silence about allegations of criminals against humanity made by the? victims in the Valech report?, what were the reasons to stop any investigation into the looting of the State enterprises and retrieve those resources for all Chileans?, what valid reasons can be mentioned for having insisted on privatization all natural resources of Chile, even of the lithium, now fundamental for energy development world and having given to the son-in-law of Pinochet?, justification can be offered to have kept intact the system of virtual expropriation of the? savings of Chileans from the APF have condemned to poverty to the Chilean old?, may explain the non-profit rampant in education privatized by consortia, among them there were also connoted characters of the Concertación? ?. Be these decisions justified “by the context” as they allege human rights Chilean genocide deniers? Apparently, these themes produced some discomfort.
The concrete is that after the “exploits” of the NO, Chile ended as a country with one of the most unfair income distributions of the planet, a naturalized corruption and the most dangerous with a “liquidity” values that allows that now the right to claim blatantly Yes for the achievement of democracy in Chile and that the “exercise of self-determination of the people” against the dictatorship in the plebiscisto where he won not finished being quietly kidnapped by a political elite to which belonged Escalona.
The ideological triumph of the historical relativization practiced by the duopoly, is clearly expressed in the recent “liberation” criminals against humanity and that Parliament has supported mostly members of the Supreme, which made it possible.
Calls for political unity of Escalona on democracy, are cynical in this context. Why would people of go out so an elite duopolica will be done with the power and desist clearly popular participation?… All the struggles of the Chilean people, miners and contract farmers, students, indigenous, feminist women, workers in health and education, movement against the AFP among many more, were systematically illegal and fought during the Governments of the Concertación as adventures destabilize the process of transition to democracy. That phenomenon was clearly cutting political neo-autoritario.
It is good to remember that the triumph of not gave legitimate basis to a social democratic promise that if he had complied, Chile would be in another stage of development. But he opted for the curious Chilean neoliberal project based on State subsidies and the forced expropriation of revenues of Chilean families through the AFP and privatized social services. I.e. the public to the private service.
The triumph of not held with music, he attended even the broad front and a representative of Evopoli. Escalona recalls with nostalgia the drive that led to the triumph of NO, when that population disillusioned now policy, believed in them. It is dramatic to check over the long term, that the cultural conditions for the resurgence of the real right-wing coup against democracy in Chile today, were in part created by systematic de-politicization of public affairs driven by the leaders of the coalition and then the new majority. Fortunately our country have moral reservations in social movements, critical intellectuals and journalists, the emergence of new party formations and hundreds of thousands of Chileans who although disenchanted want to change things for better. The question now is to become a majority. But that will not happen to falsifying history as Escalona does.
In Chile there is a “solid” truth that is humanitarian and political outrage occurred during the dictatorship and the unnecessary accommodation to the unjustifiable of this outrage in economic and social matters by conciliation or new majority. Without recognizing this truth, everything else is “liquid”. The triumph of the NO and your program has yet to become a reality.
The c ontenido poured in this op-ed is the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial line nor the counter position.
