translated from Spanish: Mexico: AMLO, another populist cycle, non-left

much of international observers have pointed out which Andrés Manuel López Obrador the Presidency of the Republic came to power “the left”. Nothing more… confused. The new President is not left, allies come from the recent PRI and the conservative PAN, whose political jump is only explained by public officials. The incoming Government’s proposal is of market capitalism, with decreasing regulations of the State and welfare programmes to unproductive sectors. The Government of López Obrador symbolic heroes are five: Hidalgo and Morelos (promoters of the independence from Spain in 1810), Benito Juárez (the Indian who came to the Presidency to build capitalism on the church property and indigenous people), Francisco I. Madero (the driving force behind the Democratic line of the Mexican Revolution, which earlier had requested the dictator Porfirio Díaz be its vice presidential candidate) and Lázaro Cárdenas (the distributor of land to peasants and expropiador-privatizador of the) petroleum). Small previous biographical data highlight the negative aspects of personalities, but all of them are part of the official history (capital capital to highlight the ruling) that the official ideology of the Mexican Revolution has designed as part of the PRI ideology. This ideology is imposed through mandatory education and Government textbooks which are the only valid in education and which constitute an ideological State apparatus (Althusser) PRI. Thus, the education builds ideology in all children. Why the political scientist critical and radical Luis Javier Garrido had designed a phrase that became famous: in Mexico we are all priistas (about education) to prove otherwise. The Mexican left has had two major aspects: the Marxist and Marxist-Leninist and the nacionalista-revolucionaria of the PRI in its previous National Revolutionary Party and party of the Mexican Revolution formations. The Marxist-Leninist (the Mexican Communist Party) was legalized in 1978 and legally survived until 1989 that delivered its registration to the expristas Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, Porfirio Muñoz Ledo and Andrés Manuel López Obrador for giving birth to the party of the revolution democratic, whose ideological source comes from the PRI progressive-Cárdenas, but PRI’s anyway. Brunette, Lopez Obrador’s Party, was a detachment of the PRD. Cárdenas and Muñoz Ledo assumed from the left of the PRI – progressive, not Marxist, a little social-democratic, with a promoter State of the accumulation of the private capital–and Lopez Obrador said mildly left until 1999 in which ended her period as President of the PRD. The official left does not promote class struggle, while Cardenas invoked it not to promote it, but to control a Bonapartist version of progressivism, organized the working-class as mass and not as working class and always said that the proletariat would never be owner of the means of production nor would have the presidential power direct. Cárdenas and Muñoz Ledo and Lopez Obrador with PRI rupture occurred in 1987 when the Government of President Miguel de la Madrid refused to open to public vote the nomination of the presidential candidate in 1988 and designated with your Almighty finger (handpick, in grammar authoritarian PRI) to Carlos Salinas de Gortari, a liberal technocrat. Angry, those three abandoned the PRI, competed with a broad front, made them a fraud to prevent approach to power and led to the Foundation of the PRD with more PRI basis as Communists. From 1981 to 1988 a dispute occurred in the heart of the ruling PRI class by the ideological and political course of development (thesis of Carlos Tello and Rolando Cordera in Mexico: the struggle for the nation.) The development options and perspectives) between two currents: the neo-liberal of the De la Madrid and Salinas technocrats within the model of the International Monetary Fund which took control of the Mexican economic policy in 1975 and the people driven by the Progressive National College of economists and the working coalition in the Congress of labour. The victorious line was the neo-liberal and lasted from 1987 to 2018. The progressive marginalization became and was reactivated by Cardenas and his populism poscardenista in the presidential elections of 1988, 1994 and 2000, but with poor electoral performance: 30% in 1988 to 16% in 2000. Lopez Obrador, built by Cardenas, withdrew from the PRD, fixed his own dissident personality and devised a Bonapartist personal leadership based on the lumpenproletariado of the beneficiaries of social programs. They say that the left came to power with Lopez Obrador should first define what type of left. The new President, in fact, is populist and personalist; its economic model is macroeconomic stability in the demands of the IMF, but with welfare spending to benefit only elderly, scholarships to young people and supports to women. Its first economic program to 2019 will be the continuity of the neoliberal established in Mexico since 1983. In short, Lopez Obrador will maintain the PRI regime: federal, democratic, representative and presidential. Morena is looking to occupy the space of the PRI, but without the cohesion of discipline and ideology of the PRI. In this sense, the political project of the Government of López Obrador is populist PRI methods, tactics and ideas and with respect to the macroeconomic stability of the IMF. Brunette is not a cohesive party, but a tower of Babel formed by activists from all parties, without having an ideology, and as a party has no real ideology. At the end, Lopez Obrador Government model will be presidential, leadership personalist, Bonapartist and public square, living synthesis of old ideology the revolution Mexicana.En PRI, Lopez Obrador’s Government does not represent a break revolutionary, but a continuity in pendular key within the PRI PRI.

Original source in Spanish