translated from Spanish: Oil union was priist huachicoleo pipeline of money

Throughout the year and a half in which the figure of López Obrador consolidated as a candidate in the winning position and then as president of the republic, Senator Carlos Romero Deschamps and his union leadership of Pemex workers were subjected to intense pressures pre-empting their political-judicial displacement. However, no one did anything to manage his deferation. The fall of Romero Deschamps is explained as the end of the pemex financial financing cartel to finance the PRI. Romero Deschamps was the financial center of the PRI’s political power, from Francisco Labastida Ochoa’s Pemexgate in 2000 to the three-way funds for Peña Nieto’s 2012 campaign and José Antonio Meade Kuribreña’s 2018 campaign. I mean, Pemex was the small box of oil money for the priist campaigns. They all used Romero Deschamps for political funding, but now no one wants to help him. On the contrary, the messages received by the union leader of the Priist political elite were of peace of mind because the union, with everything and its corrupting, was the strut of the economy and the structure of the state. “If Pemex falls, the president falls,” was La Quina’s message in 1982, and so it was: in 1988 a national security police officer sent him to jail. Despite the corruption being escaping Pemex and his union, the displacement of Romero Deschamps continues the dismantling of the union leadership model that President Salinas de Gortari built to withstand productive progress within the free trade with the U.S. Only today a Liberal Democratic majority has put the need for freedom of association as a condition to a TCL 2.0.The salinist labor model sought a union structure of resistance to the productive advancement of U.S. companies. However, his proposal found no new leaders with unionist-productive tendencies, but the relays became even more corrupt than the displaced. And Pemex was seen as the CEN Finance Secretariat of the PRI. The fall of Romero Deschamps was not because of labor democracy, but because the union was a position of strength within Pemex and therefore represented an obstacle to the options of the parastatal: further privatization or reconstruction of a nationalist unionism with productive ability to compete — as Cardenas wanted in 1938 — with transnationals who wanted to return to the sector after the expropriation of oil companies. In this context, the political liquidation of Romero Deschamps was a blow to the heart of the PRI and the first step in building a union proposal of the government of López Obrador. The risk that the union relay is just a response to a wedding — that of lawyer Juan Collado’s daughter — could, as happened with Romero Deschamps himself and teacher Elba Esther Gordillo at the PMI, thwarting the need for a power union system workers within companies and stayonly in removing one corruption to enthrone another. Salinas sought to entrepreneurize the unions with a percentage of shares to the workers and López Obrador, in the government plan of the PRD of 1999, also proposed the share ownership of workers in companies to take a step forward to the class struggle. These positions were barely declared, because neither of them had any initiative to incorporate the workers as potential partners in the companies. What remains now is the arrogance of Senator Romero Deschamps and his legislative jurisdiction that prevents his criminal prosecution. But over the past five years, the way Romero Deschamps and his family made vulgar ostentation of their unproven wealth to the tax authorities was offensive. The arrest of lawyer Juan Collado when he ate with the oil senator was the last tangential notice that was also not understood because the union leader only sought political protection by offering in return the total delivery of the union and its secret records of political corruption. With the fall of Romero Deschamps the PRI is left in total hardship. Warrior. With general figures of downward insecurity, but with violent attacks by federal cartels in localized areas of the state, Governor Héctor Astudillo delivered his Fourth Government Report and highlighted the positive facts: the recovery of the arrival of cruise ships to the port of Acapulco that had diminished by fears of insecurity, large investments in beaches to maintain tourist potential and construction of condominiums. The main data was the creation of 240 thousand tourism-related jobs as the main economic activity of the entity. Policy for dummies: Politics is almost always the adjustment of accounts to redistribute power.



Original source in Spanish