translated from Spanish: Mystery at UNAM THE DEBATE

On Tuesday morning a group of men and women unsuccessfully sought to violently close the UNAM Law School, assaulting the teachers they found in their wake. They belong to the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, which has been unemployed for three months, to demand action against gender-based violence, summed up in 72 anonymous reports on social media of sexual harassment and abuse. Grouped in the collective Women Organized of the Faculty of Philosophy, they raised in November 11 demands that, according to the university authorities, all have been answered, except a difficult to reconcile, if the anonymous report, as they want, is sufficient for the removal or sanction of the designated one. It is not known whether those who sought to close law are part of this group, but what is clear is the existence of groups that are destabilizing UNAM. The problem is that no one knows what the hand is, if there is one as such, that is swaying that cradle. Eight UNAM schools are unemployed, affecting about 70,000 students who had just returned to school, and another faculty, the Art and Design faculty, located in Xochimilco, was taken yesterday against the desire of the majority. On Tuesday, assemblies were held in the faculties of Architecture, Science and Economics, in the science and humanities schools of Azcapotzalco, Naucalpan, East, South and Vallejo, Prepa 5 and the faculties of Higher Studies of Iztacala and Cuatitlán to speak about the problem. Nor has anyone, university or government authorities, have identified the communicating vessels of mobilization, or if, as some think, they are small groups that their activism has awakened dormant forces within UNAM that even do not respond to no external guidelines. There are individuals who are in the universe of conflict. Within the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters there is communication between the women’s collective with Alejandro Echavarría, which gained notoriety 20 years ago as “El Mosh”, one of the leaders who caused the longest strike in the history of UNAM – 10 months-, and who in the ac yourality is registered as a teacher in Michoacán, affiliated with the Magisterial Coordinator. “El Mosh” has met several times with the Secretary of Security and Citizen Protection, Alfonso Durazo, without having been informed of the authorities responsible for higher education. The details of these talks are not known, held in the offices of Durazo.Moctezuma has shown no interest with universities, and frequently clashes with Luciano Concheiro, undersecretary of Higher Education, who was kept out of the darkness of the secretary’s encounters with “The Mosh,” whose agreements are also unknown. Another line of political contact with antagonistic forces within UNAM comes from Gustavo A. Madero Mayor Francisco Chihuil, who held the post in 2008, when the tragedy of the News Divine den, where nine young men and three policemen were killed, in a raid sent by the then delegation. Chihuil, through a civil servant in the Directorate of Urban Works and Development, has a relationship with Prepa 9 joints, which have taken over the school. The bottom line of women’s demand is irrepressible, the end point to sexual harassment and abuse, and for there to be security. Rector Graue has said that violence against women is unacceptable, unacceptable and does not fit in UNAM. However, things do not move forward; Worsen. University authorities have not seen visible heads to be able to establish a dialogue with community representatives, as has happened in the past with represented leadership, as in the shutdown of just over 20 years ago was the General Strike Council or years ago before, during the rectory of Jorge Carpizo, it was the University Student Council, to which belonged several members of the environment closest to President López Obrador, such as the head of government of Mexico City, Claudia Sheinbaum, or Senator Martí Batres . Leadership is atomized. But the problem doesn’t stop there. The federal and Mexican City intelligence services also do not have information about the various groups that have mobilized at UNAM, or their real leadership, or whether they have links to political groups outside the institution, but who want to destabilization in that study house. López Obrador is not in the logic of instability at UNAM, and encouraged Graue’s re-election by holding close to his project so as not to interfere with the university process. The president does not need a conflict in an institution that by its magnitude and diversity can be explosive and uncontrollable, so it could be ruled out, in principle, that close to him are seeking to alter university life and achieve derailment of Graue.What is being experienced these days at UNAM is focused, and the institution is not on fire. But that’s how things start. UNAM has been a microcosm of the country from which transformative and reactionary movements have emerged. It has been a loot cherished by politicians who have seen in it an instrument of pressure and blackmail for the government in turn. The best thing that can happen today is that the turmoil is the result of a collective concern around the same cause, fully attending, and not to those who, as in the past, want to take advantage to attack not only Graue, but López Obrador.

Original source in Spanish

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