is quite clear that Chile needs deep changes in its social and political structures, from the economy as the first front of sensitivity citizen, to the complete restructuring of the political mechanisms, institutions and so on. These transformations are which have been sedimented in the broad front political possibility based on them, wielding the work of thinking and implement what rightly it has called a Chile post-neo-liberal.
The point is that progressivism that drives these instances should be adjusted in term of political maturation, beyond the social momentum which his blinding, which is not enough to itself and as such is positioning itself as background of the project cash that is constructed in the present. tempo politician, one of the elements which should undoubtedly conform is because a citizenship mostly sceptical – that finally is it add or subtract to these proposals-, has overwhelmed with so many fronts of action, that in critical terms im Escrow assimilate that not everything can make at the same time, there is a counterpart that will naturally resist and that a step does not mechanically and immediately the other, for example, the case of divorce law is very clear in this regard, because not only is not the world as a signed the naysayers of the terror, but today already civil union have, already spoken of same-sex marriage, adoption by same-sex couples, etc., i.e., is a theme that was taking place gradually, without the social impact and resistance which would generate a sudden, and above all, processing was installed as a topic to maintain and deepen, because no one even hinted that law disappears, even the same UDI brought these days to establish a new causal of divorce.
Instead, finish with the AFP, pass to a supportive health system, universal free education, free abortion, changes in the economic system and the distribution of wealth, change in the shape and structure of politics, the defence of the territories, the ecological problem, so on and so on, are all important, but irrelevant immediately not only by not having the political power to do so, but because all those much-needed changes depend basically on logics of deployment and installation of the civil society and society in general, which are not political parties time and ideas. In other words, there is a sort of rush that goes tense social and political, explainable tissue by frustration and inertia of injustice and abuse for many years, but that carelessly is awakening also the worst version of the far right, racist, classist, intolerant and Pinochet, which not coincidentally has gone in parallel to the deepening and the broad front electoral growth, but even meant that today we have a José Antonio Kast politically very active, which with the Governments of the Consensus-building and the former new majority simply had no sense.
Therefore it is important that the Progressivism can synthesize all those fronts of change in a political strategy smart, solid and medium and long term, because the pace of the deep social transformations is always slower. I think that in this Sharp criticism is quite clear, because the broad front in this urgency, has focused efforts on electoral matters much before that on issues proper policies, what he calls the “electoral shortcuts”.
In this need pass a hasty progressivism and therefore politically naive, to a progressive thinking and critical of itself, which in its very definition as an expression of social movements, must conform to them and not vice versa.
Another element that has to do with projection, and its definition is problematically arise if it is intended to be a new left or left anotherstill latent question and fundamental part of its ideology.
Indeed, a new left implies a reformulation and refreshment of the ideas that were flawed, disfigured and betrayed by the concertation and the former new majority, transforming the broad front in a place of welcome for those disappointed who still believe in the social, and partisan participation and, therefore, as a space for reassessment and updating of a left for the 21st century.
Instead a left other is the break with the political projection that sinks its roots in the old keys to fight and political installation of the traditional left, to lift from other keys of interpretation that do conform to the pre Sente and its urgent, because let’s be clear, it is not possible that we’re thinking of policy under the conceptual structures of more than half a century, representing in addition to citizenship a point of conflict and known and worn by the same opposition which is due keep left Chilean are general values that inspire it, but turning to a level of a very marked problematic social significance outside policy formulation, to enter at a level of innovation and openness in the way that we need, we are dealing with and We project the problems: we have clear is the whatwhat should now think the Frente Amplio is the as if it really aspires to be a real political alternative, otherwise that is the history of ideas.
Finally, something that already is being installed in the internal debate of the broad front, as part of their own process of adjustment, maturation and definition, which will develop intelligent, strategic way and with feet well positioned in a Chile with a woven social cad to increasingly complex, traumatized and disillusioned, the vast majority to be transformations, but conscious, intelligent and viable, axes that oblige us to redouble our efforts and make democracy and participation the turning point internal, as focal point of what we want for our country.
Poured in this op-ed content is the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect the edit line orial or posture of the counter.
