On January 1, 1818, Chile solemnly declared its Independence from the Spanish Monarchy through the subscription of the Chilean Declaration of Independence. Ten months later, as a result of the work of a Seven-Person Constituent Commission appointed by Supreme Director Bernardo O’Higgins, dated October 23 of the same year, the first Political Constitution of the State of Chile was published, which was provisional until the first meeting of the National Congress. This constitutional text was submitted to a national plebiscite and approved by a large majority of compatriots.
Since the Independence of Chile, eight constitutional texts have been born at different times in our free and sovereign history.
The common factors that identify historians within the framework of the different constituent processes are: 1- popular uprising that compromises institutional stability or the head of state; 2- attempt by the head of state to consolidate and increase his threatened power; 3- broad invitation of the Head of State to the “people” to participate in the elaboration of a Constitution “for all”; 4- use of military force to fiercely suppress non-conforming and organized citizenship; 5- text finally prepared by trusted personalities of the head of state: -6- National plebiscite to approve or reject.
As a seventh element, not expressly collected by historians who have addressed the various constituent processes, we can identify the principle of “foreign non-interference” in the country’s constitutional deliberation, which has been respected even by the fiercest dictators. Including Pinochet, who fragrantly and consummated the 1980 fraud with his cohort of accomplices and traitors in Chile.
However, Chancellor Andrés Allamand, on his recent european tour, has entered history. As Minister for Foreign Affairs, he has formalized the request for foreign intervention in our country, requesting the OECD to “technically advise” our constituent process, in drafting the new Constitution in matters such as political rule, social rights and the environment. In addition to requesting the accompaniment of that body throughout the process.
Allamand’s action, extraordinarily complex to qualify without attributing political responsibility of the greatest gravity, is at least in the realm of indolence, decriterionity and indignity, as well as deepening the “colonial environment” left by Chile’s sad spectacle last year, with the successive failures of APEC and COP 25, which profoundly and severely damaged Chile’s international image in different dimensions.
In this way, it would be an unacceptable fallacy for the Chancellor to explain his management in view of the “technical nature of the advice” requested from the OECD. In politics there is no technical accompaniment, and in the elaboration of a political constitution, it is an insult to the intelligence of Chileans, an attack on national sovereignty and a criminal failure to comply with the principle of free self-determination of nations that can sustain that argument.
Allamand has informed the world that Chile is not in a position to carry out its constituent process and that we need the protection of international bodies both in the administrative process and in the content of the future Constitution. Among other matters, with regard to social rights and our political regime.
This is a situation of the greatest gravity, which requires a strong and clear reaction from the democratic forces of Chile, aimed at conmining the President of the Republic, taking into account the exclusive and exclusive responsibility that can be given to him in the conduct of our international relations, to correct the shameful decision of his Chancellor.
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