translated from Spanish: From federalism THE DEBATE

Mexico’s history is sweeinling with a political tension between centralism and federalism. After the 1910 Revolution, this historic dispute was ended in the normative framework of the Mexican state: the 1917 Constitution, in force to this day, with its many reforms. Some as recent as last May’s educational subject. The federal republic, where the federal entities enjoy autonomy comes from the autonomy of the municipality. That is the constitutional framework that has governed Mexico since the second decade of the twentieth century and what goes back to the 21st century. This, unfortunately, has not represented that in all these decades the country has been involved in a federalist political, economic and social system. There was not for much of the twentieth century even a democratic regime in the election of representatives of the Executive and Legislative Branch. This consequently gave a judiciary also contingent on the design of the representatives of the Executive who produced the authoritarian regime. Mexican presidentialism thus forged a centralism that neither natural communication barriers, geographical distances nor economic weights of entities could neglect, for good or bad. From the transitional regime and democratic construction, the political system turned to federalism for the first time. Having his first representation in the federal entities in the electoral arena. Even without the regulatory frameworks that later gave the security of free and secret voting. This effort of transition and democratic construction led the country to homogenize an electoral system that detoned an exercise in federalism. First in some entities, then in the Legislative Power (federal election of 1997), then at the alternation of the Presidency of the Republic (presidential election 2000). In parallel, the royal autonomy of the judiciary was ordered from the Presidency of the Republic. These two processes allowed the consolidation of Mexican democracy and the construction of a federalism that was represented in the political relationship between the federal and state executives. In these processes of Mexican democracy, the various political actors engaged in partisan action that was shaping the judiciary of the federation and federal entities. It is as verifiable as looking at the curriculum of the Ministers of the Supreme Court of the Nation down in the federal judiciary, as of the entities, and observing a background in the civil service of some government or direct relationships with interest groups linked to political power. This element has made the part of the judiciary the most fragile part of the democratic regime from an institutional perspective. On the one hand, the election by the legislative and the pressure of the Executive have been a reality since the reforms enacted by President Ernesto Zedillo. On the other hand, the reality of the interests represented by each member of the Judiciary, in addition to their own, is a reality. In this way, one of the main challenges facing the democratic regime is the consolidation of the autonomy of the judiciary. Beyond talking about another scenario, there is that effort to build that autonomy. SECURITY
Security is one of the essential functions of the State. It’s at the base of building a nation-state. In Mexico, security in authoritarian rule did not include the safeguarding of human rights. These had a limitation that arbitrarily fixed the executive’s turn representative at all three levels of government. It is precisely the secret and free vote that concatenated the struggle for freedom and security. Today, in Mexico, freedom is a reality. The free decision on whom to vote remains in force. Now, it is up to this new majority in the Union Congress and the majority in the local congresses of the federal entities to build a free and autonomous judiciary. Beyond the payroll of the interests of political and economic power. Only in this case can the State be provided with the tools to build and secure public and private security for citizens. PARAGRAPHS: FEDERALISM AND SECURITY
Federalism is necessary in the political regime to preserve a free exercise of voting and the implementation of public policies that consolidate it. In parallel, a scaffolding of the procurement of justice can be built from a framework of socialization to the efforts of the State for the protection and observance of the human rights of Mexican citizens. That is, with one goes the possibility of the construction of an institutional apparatus that preserves and observes them. In the construction of these two poles, a citizenship with a participatory political culture with an evaluative orientation is necessary. And in parallel, of an effort of all political and social actors to strengthen the task of civic education of Mexican children and young people. Tomorrow they will be the citizens who will be able to consolidate, or not, it must be said, that democratic order and of separation and autonomy of poderes.lecturas_eldebate@yahoo.com



Original source in Spanish